formerly known as
Womens Liberation Front


Welcome to, formerly known as.Womens Liberation Front.  A website that hopes to draw and keeps your attention for  both the global 21th. century 3rd. feminist revolutution as well and a selection of special feminist artists and writers.

This online magazine will be published evey six weeks and started February 1st. 2019. Thank you for your time and interest.

Gino d'Artali
chief editor
and radical feminist











                                                                                                            CRYFREEDOM 2019/2020

Part 5 November 2021 and some time back.
This part: <Eliminating women means eliminating human beings!> One slogan of Afghanistans Resistence Women's Slogans.

Part 4 October 2021 and some time back
This part: Girls and women keep fighting for education!

Part 3 Sept 30 untill Back to August 5 2021

Part 2 August 27 untill Sept 15 2021: the resistence is becoming bigger and spreading more in Afghanistan.

Afghanistan's Women Resistence Part 1
July 7 untill August 18 2021


 International media about the atrocities
against women worldwide.

Part 9
November 2021 and some time time back.

Part 8
October 2021 and some time back.

Part 1 to 7












My mother (1931-1997) always said to me <Mi figlio, non esistono notizie <vecchie> perche puoi imparare qualcosa da qualsiasi notizia.> Translated: <My son, there is no such thing as so called 'old' news because you can learn something from any news.>
Gianna d'Artali

<Eliminating women means eliminating human beings!> One slogan of Afghanistans Resistence Women's Slogans.

Gino d'Artali
13 Nov 2021

All seems quiet on the Afghanistan's front but don't be fooled. As I reported before not only the taliban
is continuing (again just like when they had the power over Afghanistan before) to suppress the
women but they are fighting back in watever way they can but also the taliban has to deal almost
day by day now to literally battle with the ISIS, ISIS-K, Al Qaida and other armed contra-forces.
Now, I don't want to report about that! My goal i.e. aim is to support continuously the

Al Jazeera
By Arwa Ibrahim
Nov 29 2021

<<Are US-led sanctions worsening Afghanistan’s humanitarian crisis?
Aid groups, experts say international sanctions on the Taliban have led to the collapse of the aid-dependent economy.

International aid organisations and experts say the US-led sanctions on the Taliban government are hurting the Afghan people, and called for “explicit humanitarian exemptions” for the delivery of aid to prevent a <catastrophe>. Following the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan on August 15, the aid-dependent country was cut off from international financial institutions, while nearly $10bn of its assets were frozen by the US, triggering a banking crisis. Millions of dollars in international aid were also halted due to the sanctions.
The UN and other aid agencies have been trying to navigate the sanctions to deliver much-needed aid to the country, with more than half of Afghanistan’s 38 million population facing imminent food shortages in the harsh winter months.
<The US government, and other sanctions imposing entities like the UN Security Council (UNSC), should do all they can to ensure that Afghans have access to the humanitarian assistance to which they are entitled,> said Eileen McCarthy, the Advocacy Manager at the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC).
<They should ensure sanctions and other restrictive measures comply with international humanitarian and human rights law and do not impede impartial humanitarian activities,> she told Al Jazeera.

‘Humanitarian catastrophe preventable’

More than 100 days into the Taliban’s rule, Afghanistan’s economy has nearly collapsed, for which the UN envoy for Afghanistan blamed on the financial sanctions. Deborah Lyons told the UNSC last week that the <humanitarian catastrophe> in the country was <preventable>.

There have been alarming reports of public hospitals unable to afford essential medical supplies or to pay staff salaries, and families offering their young daughters for marriage in return for a brideprice to help them survive.>>
Read more here:

Al Jazeera
By Farah Najjar
25 Nov 2021

<<Afghan women speak up against new Taliban media guidelines.
Journalists say the latest media ‘guideline’ is yet another form of control over women, as they vow to continue their work.

Afghan journalists and activists have expressed concern over a new <religious guideline> issued by Taliban rulers, saying the move is yet another form of control over women. The Taliban, which took over Afghanistan roughly 100 days ago, on Sunday urged female journalists to follow a dress code and called on TV stations to stop showing soap operas featuring women, sparking fears over women’s rights and media freedom.
Akif Muhajir, spokesman for the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, said <these are not rules but a religious guideline>.
However, activists fear it could be misused to harass female journalists, many of whom have already fled the country in the wake of the Taliban’s takeover on August 15.
The Taliban has been accused of backing down on its pledge to protect women’s rights and media freedom. The latest move, which called on women to wear the hijab while presenting their reports, does not specify which type of covering to use.
Such restrictions, as well as tightening control on news reporting, has been done to preserve <national interest>, according to the group.

‘Muzzle the media’

Zahra Nabi, a broadcast journalist who co-founded a women’s television channel, said she felt cornered when the Taliban resumed power, and chose to go off-air the very same day.
<All the media is under their [Taliban] control,> Nabi, who established Baano TV in 2017, told Al Jazeera.
The network that was once run by 50 women was a symbol of how far Afghan women have come since the Taliban’s first stint in power in the 1990s.
With most of the network’s crew members now gone, Nabi has remained adamant about doing her job, and like many other established journalists in Afghanistan, she has had to work under the radar.
<We work in a very tough environment, and are even collecting reports under the burqa,> Nabi said, referring to an outer garment worn to cover the entire body and face used by some Muslim women.
<It is really hard for female journalists,> she said, citing a recent example where she had to enter the city of Kunduz as a humanitarian worker, and not as a journalist.
<I’m not showing myself as a journalist. I had to arrange with local women a safe office space to work in,> Nabi said.

Now that Baano TV is off-air, the 34-year-old said she is trying to find other ways to showcase her reports, perhaps through social media platforms, or via broadcasters outside the country. Commenting on the move, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said on Monday that the new strict guidelines will especially harm women.
<The Taliban’s new media regulations and threats against journalists reflect broader efforts to silence all criticism of Taliban rule,> said Patricia Gossman, an associate Asia director at HRW.
<The disappearance of any space for dissent and worsening restrictions for women in the media and arts is devastating.>
Sonia Ahmadyar, a journalist who lost her job in August, said the Taliban has been moving to slowly <muzzle the media>.
Day by day, the Taliban has been placing restrictions on women <to not let them be active,> Ahmadyar told Al Jazeera.
Women <really feel discouraged to appear on TV,> she said, adding that the group has taken away their <freedom> as well as their financial autonomy. The 35-year-old called on the Taliban to allow women journalists to resume working <without being harassed> as soon as possible.

<It is their most basic right, because it is essential for their livelihood, and because their absence from the media landscape would have the effect of silencing all Afghan women,> she said.

‘Obliged to obey’

Previously, the Taliban stipulated that private media would be able to operate freely as long as they did not go against Islamic values. Within days of coming to power, the group had said that the government will be guided by Islamic law.
But journalists and human rights activists have criticised the guidelines as vague, saying they are subject to interpretation. It remains unclear whether going on air without the hijab or airing foreign dramas featuring women, would attract legal scrutiny.
When asked if avoiding the guidelines would be punishable by law, Muhajir from the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, told Al Jazeera citizens are <obliged to obey the guidance>, without elaborating.
According to Heather Barr, co-director of the Women’s Rights division of HRW, the Taliban’s directive is just the latest step by the group to <erase women from public life>.
The move comes after the group excluded women from senior roles in government, abolished the women’s ministry, women’s sports, and the system set up to respond to gender-based violence, she said.>>
Read more here:

Al Jazeera
Hannah Dugal
25 Nov 2021

<<November 25 is the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women.
The term <violence against women> encompasses forms of male violence against women and girls, including intimate partner abuse, sexual harassment, human trafficking, female genital mutilation (FGM) and child marriage.
Since the COVID-19 pandemic began early last year, one in three women say they or someone they know has experienced some form of violence, according to data from 13 countries in a new United Nations report. Thursday also marks the start of 16 days of activism leading up to December 10, the International Human Rights Day, whose theme this year is <Orange the World: End Violence against Women Now!>

The five infographics below show how prevalent male violence against women is around the world.

Intimate partner abuse

Nearly one in three women have been physically, sexually or emotionally abused by their current or former partner at least once in their life, according to a report published this year by the World Health Organization and the UN. The situation is worst in Afghanistan, where nearly 34 percent of women and girls above 15 have been abused by a partner, data analysed from UN Women show. Five of the 10 countries where women and girls are abused the most are in Africa. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 32 percent of women and girls aged 15 or above have been abused by their intimate partners.
Some 87,000 women were murdered in 2017, according to the most recent global homicide report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).
The rate of intimate partner/family-related homicide was highest in Africa.

Women are killed by male relatives or partners daily around the world. The UN says 137 women die this way.
Most of the known human-trafficking victims are women and girls, at 46 and 19 percent respectively, according to UNODC.
Seventy-seven percent of women are trafficked for sexual exploitation, while 14 percent are trafficked for forced labour.
Seventy-two percent of girls are trafficked for sexual exploitation, 21 percent are trafficked for forced labour.
Forced child marriages
Child marriage is prominent in several regions across Africa and in South Asia. In Africa, Niger has the highest prevalence of child marriage, with 76 percent of women aged 20 to 24 today who had been married off before they were 18 years old. South Asia also has a high proportion of child marriage, with 28 percent of girls forced into marriage before their 18th birthday and 7 percent before their 15th.

Before Covid-19
The UN estimated that more than 100 million girls would be forced into marriages in the coming decade. Today it estimates that a futher more than to million girls will be forced to be married before their 18th. birthday.

Sexual violence in conflict
Some 550 of 638 recorded instances of sexual violence against civilians in conflict zones have been women, according to figures by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project since January 2020.
Sexual violence in conflict and conflict-related sexual violence includes war-time rape and crimes perpetrated by armed and organised actors.
Africa accounts for the largest number of instances with 376 incidents, the most happening in the DRC, with 135 events mostly perpetrated by <unidentified armed groups>.>>

Source infographic: UN Women VN
Read more and view the infographic here:

The Guardian
by Amel Brahmi
23 Nov 2021

<<A quiet revolution: the female imams taking over an LA mosque.
While many have misinterpreted a hadith to mean women can’t enter a mosque, these women are covering progressive topics like sexual violence, abortion, pregnancy loss, domestic violence in their sermons.

When Tasneem Noor got on the stage at the Women’s Mosque of America in Los Angeles, she felt butterflies in her stomach. Facing about fifty women on praying rugs, ready to deliver a sermon – khutba in Arabic – she took a deep breath.
During the prayers, the women would follow Noor’s lead, but several would pray four more times after it ended, to make up for any potentially invalid prayers. That is the result of a 14-century-old disputed hadith that leads some to believe women are forbidden to lead prayers and deliver sermons.
<I don’t mind,> Noor told me later. <Some people function better with rules.>
Noor, 37, is part of a quiet revolution in America: at the all women’s mosque, she was celebrating its five year anniversary of practicing the female imamat, a rare and often controversial practice in Islam. Women aren’t even allowed to pray in many mosques across the world. In some mosques in the US, women may enter, but are often forced pray in separate rooms – leading some to call it the <penalty box>. Spiritual leaders who have pushed boundaries – by running mixed congregation mosques or running an LGBTQ mosque – have received death threats.
But at the Women’s Mosque of America, women are using their sermons to cover previously untouched topics like sexual violence, pregnancy loss and domestic violence.

One of Noor’s most memorable sermons happened in 2017 – a surprise, considering it was largely an improvisation. After a scheduling hitch left Noor with less than half of the 45-minutes she should have had, she shortened her talk and changed tack: leading the congregation in a meditation.

<She asked us to track our emotions in our bodies, and let them run their course,> recalled Nourjahan Boulden, who was in the audience that day. <I didn’t know it was even possible to own and control your emotions like that, but it worked.>
Boulden had come to Noor’s sermon that day not knowing what she would find. Before that sermon, she was haunted by a destructive guilt she carried.
She grew up in California with a love for belly-dancing – a practice inherited from her Baloch mother – but also hearing a lot of <if you do this, you’ll burn in hell>. That belief took hold inside her, and began to grow. Then, she was shot in the leg in a nightclub in Toronto in 2006. Boulden, a college student at the time, overheard one of her aunts say, <She was out dancing, what did she expect?>
Then, she had a miscarriage. The child was conceived out of wedlock, with her Christian partner, and so the guilt grew again. She got to a point where she believed her misfortunes resulted from not conforming to religious traditions.
Noor offered Boulden another frame. <I didn’t tell her she was wrong for feeling punished,> Noor said. <I helped her to look at it differently and asked, ‘What else is true?’> Noor told her that God had given her the talent of dancing and that it wasn’t a shameful practice, like many thought. She told her that her intentions – what’s in her heart – is what mattered. If she felt happiest belly dancing, , then dancing was how she was meant to connect with God.
Boulden was in disbelief.
<You’re the guide I had been waiting for,> Boulden told her.
Noor was also in disbelief. She had never seen herself as someone that people had been waiting for.>>
Read more here:

The Guardian
Agence France-Presse in Kabul
Nov 23 2021

Afghan journalists decry Taliban rules restricting role of women on TV.
Journalists asked to wear a hijab and broadcasters told to stop showing dramas featuring female actors.

Afghan journalists and rights activists have condemned <religious guidelines> issued by the Taliban that restrict the role of women in television, as the Islamists move to muzzle the media. The Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice on Sunday called on broadcasters to stop showing dramas and soap operas featuring female actors.
Female journalists in Afghanistan are at increased risk of violence and extremist attacks as conflict between the government and Taliban worsens.
It also told broadcasters not to screen films or programmes that are <against Islamic or Afghan values> and asked female television journalists to wear a hijab at work.
Zan TV, the first Afghan channel staffed exclusively by female producers and reporters, tweeted that the guidelines threatened media freedom and would reduce the presence of female journalists.
The Taliban’s interpretation of the hijab – which can range from a hair covering to a face veil or full body covering – is unclear, and the majority of Afghan women already wear headscarves. The attempt to regulate the media comes three months after the Taliban swept back into power.
Hujatullah Mujadidi, a founding member of the Federation of Afghan Journalists, said if applied the guidelines would force <some media outlets, especially television, to stop working>.

Many shows rolled out to fill TV schedules, notably soap operas produced in India and Turkey, will be inappropriate under the guidelines, making it difficult for channels to generate enough output and retain audiences.
A ministry spokesman said after the announcement that the measures amounted to <religious guidelines> rather than rules.
But Qari Abdul Sattar Saeed, a media spokesperson for the Taliban prime minister, days earlier accused the Afghan media of conveying propaganda for the <enemy> and said they should be treated harshly.
Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid gestures towards journalists at a press conference in Kabul on 24 Mujahid
Aslia Ahmadzai, a journalist in exile, said female journalists <will feel threatened> by the measures.
Another exiled Afghan journalist, who wanted to remain anonymous, described the guidelines as <the first step to banning the TV altogether, just like in the 90s>.>>
Read more here:

There are 2 more articles in the above one. I quote some excerpts from the first one:
Women report Afghanistan is supported by
Humanity United
<<Women report Afghanistan
‘For as long as we can’: reporting as an Afghan woman as the Taliban advance
A collective of female journalists are battling to make women’s voices heard as the Islamist militants tighten their grip on the country
by Ruchi Kumar

Despite years of development, investment and progress in the Afghan media industry, 28-year-old Zahra Joya often found she was the only woman in a newsroom. “It was a lonely space, dominated by men who made the decisions about which stories were important, and which were not,” she says.
Joya, who is from the persecuted Hazara community, felt she faced discrimination because of her ethnicity and sex. <There were so few women journalists in Kabul,> she says. <There would hardly be women reporters covering political events or press conferences even though these stories affect us greatly.>
Determined to disrupt this male-dominated landscape, in November last year, Joya started Rukhshana Media – a news website telling stories of Afghanistan’s women, written by Afghanistan’s women. She chose the name as a tribute to the victims of Afghanistan’s patriarchy and all the women overlooked in the country’s history.
<In 2015, a girl named Rukhshana from Ghor province was accused of adultery and running away from home. She was escaping forced marriage,> says Joya. <The boy who accompanied her was given 100 lashes for ‘insolence’ for the same crime, but Rukhshana was stoned to death. Since the day I watched the video of her public stoning, her story stayed with me.>
In its brief existence, Rukhshana has told powerful stories of Afghan women’s struggle, offering the platform to local female journalists. They have written about women’s reproductive health, domestic and sexual violence, and gender discrimination, among other things.
<It is often the case that stories of Afghan women are decided by Afghan men or international journalists in the outside world. And while our presence in Afghan media is celebrated as an example of ‘women’s empowerment’, not much attention or space is given to us for defining what story should be covered,> Joya says.

<For example, Afghan media reports on rape cases, but they never report [on] what life looks like for survivors. That is what we are interested to tell,> she says. <At Rukhshana Media, we are trying to define the story from the perspective of Afghan women.> >>
Read more here:

The Guardian
Kim Willsher in Paris
1 Sep 2021

<<Female journalists in Afghanistan are being forced out of jobs and told to stay at home despite Taliban promises to allow them to keep working and to respect press freedom, according to a report.
Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF) says it believes fewer than 100 of Kabul’s 700 female journalists are still working and only a handful are continuing to work from home in two other Afghan provinces. Others have been attacked and harassed.
By shutting down female voices in the media, the Taliban are in the process of silencing all the country’s women, it says.
Since the Taliban took over the country on 15 August, a survey by RSF and its partner organisation, the Centre for the Protection of Afghan Women Journalists (CPAWJ), found most female staff in media organisations, including journalists, have stopped working.>>
Read more here:

The Guardian
Emma Graham-Harrison in Gereshk, Helmand
21 Nov 2021

<<On Helmand’s bleak wards, dying children pay the price as western aid to Afghanistan is switched off.
The staff are unpaid, the drugs are running out. Gereshk hospital can only watch as tiny infants succumb to treatable diseases.

Shirin has paid heavily for both Afghanistan’s conflict, and its abrupt end in Taliban victory. Three years ago her husband lost his leg when a roadside bomb hit his bus. Then in the summer the militants’ victory brought peace to her corner of Helmand, but a halt to the foreign aid funds that paid her salary as a hospital cleaner and kept the family afloat. They fell behind on rent, were evicted from their home and began running out of food. Three weeks ago, worn down by cold, hunger and disruption, Mohammad Omar died from wounds that had never fully healed, leaving her a single mother to their four children.
<He died because of a lack of money. No one would even give us a loan,> said Shirin, 50. <We are suffering too much, but if we just got our salaries, everything would be solved.>
But even when she wasn’t being paid, she kept coming to the Gereshk district hospital to work at the maternity unit. <We are needed here,> she said, as a newborn girl was rushed off for oxygen and she prepared to move the mother into a recovery room and sterilise her bed for the next patient.
The wards need a cleaner in order to remain as safe as possible for new mothers, even in a hospital starved of cash and slowly grinding to a halt, like this one. Last month the operating theatre had to shut down, because there was no money for fuel for the generator – there is no grid power in this rural corner of Helmand near former Camp Bastion – or any gas to sterilise their equipment.

So women whose lives depended on having a caesarean, a car accident victim who needed open chest surgery, and people with inflamed appendixes all had to be sent off in taxis with a prayer that they would survive the hour’s drive to Lashkar Gah, where the Boost hospital supported by charity Médecins Sans Frontières still had power and supplies.
The roads may have been clear of the bombs and gunfights that prevented so many people in Helmand’s villages from reaching medical care, but the hospitals and clinics were no longer functioning properly.
<I could tell you about many cases,> said surgeon Karim Walid. <There was a woman who needed a caesarean because of the baby’s position. She had no money so we went round collecting a few thousand Afghanis for a car to take her to Boost.> The lab ran out of test equipment, for diseases from malaria to HIV, for blood counts or blood sugar levels. <All we had left were pregnancy and TB tests,> said lab manager Bashir Ahmad Majar.
Eventually, even gloves ran out for midwives on the labour ward. <We asked those who could afford them to buy their own,> said Malalai, a midwife who worked with Shirin. For the others, the hospital went into debt. <I get calls every day from the shopkeepers, asking me why aren’t you giving us the money you owe us,> said Haji Mohammad Barak, director of the Gereshk hospital until early November, now provincial manager for a healthcare programme.
Fortunately, they had managed to patch up a hole in the inpatient ward roof, made by an air strike in the last days of fighting, before money totally ran out, he said. The bomb miraculously landed just between the five beds lining the walls of the ward, without causing any serious injuries.
The head of the World Health Organization, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, visited Kabul in September and warned the whole healthcare system was on the brink of collapse, prompting the UN to arrange payment of one month’s salaries.
The operating theatre in Gereshk has reopened, the lab is restocked and medical staff say they have been promised another three months of pay. But these are temporary solutions that will run out in the middle of Afghanistan’s bitter winter.
<We need something permanent; we can’t manage just getting a few months’ salary then everything goes again,> said the midwife, Malalai, who is the family’s main breadwinner. <Don’t leave us here without hope.> >>
Read more here:

Al Jazeera
19 Nov 2021

<<Thousands of Afghans seek temporary US entry, only 100 approved.
More than 28,000 Afghans have applied for admission to the US, but only about 100 have been approved since the Taliban takeover.

More than 28,000 Afghans have applied for temporary admission into the United States for humanitarian reasons since shortly before the Taliban recaptured Afghanistan and sparked a chaotic US withdrawal, but only about 100 of them have been approved, according to federal officials.
US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has struggled to keep up with the surge in applications to a little-used programme, known as humanitarian parole, but promises it is ramping up staff to address the growing backlog.
Afghan families in the US and the immigrant groups supporting them say the slow pace of approvals threatens the safety of their loved ones, many of whom fear being targeted by the new Taliban rulers for their ties to the US-led forces in the country.
The US-led NATO forces left the country on August 31, 20 years after deposing the Taliban government in a military invasion in the wake of the September 11 attacks. The Taliban armed group, which waged a decades-long armed rebellion against US forces, retook power in August after the West-backed government of President Ashraf Ghani collapsed.
Top Taliban leaders have pledged to offer amnesty to people who worked for the previous government, but some Afghans fear that they may still be targeted by the lower-level Taliban fighters.

<We’re worried for their lives,> says Safi, a Massachusetts resident whose family is sponsoring 21 relatives seeking humanitarian parole. <Sometimes, I think there will be a day when I wake up and receive a call saying that they’re no more.>
The 38-year-old US permanent resident, who asked that her last name not be used for fear of retribution against her relatives, is hoping to bring over her sister, uncle and their families. She says the families have been in hiding and their house was destroyed in a recent bombing because her uncle had been a prominent local official before the Taliban took over.>>
Read more here:

The Guardian
19 Nov 2021
Haroon Janjua in Islamabad

<<Abducted Afghan psychiatrist found dead weeks after disappearance.
Family say the body of Dr Nader Alemi, who was taken by armed men in September, showed signs of torture.

One of Afghanistan’s most prominent psychiatrists, who was abducted by armed men in September, has been found dead, his family has confirmed.
Dr Nader Alemi’s daughter, Manizheh Abreen, said that her father had been tortured before he died.
<Yesterday we have paid $350,000 [£260,400] to the abductors and they promised to release my father today. But this morning we have received his dead body instead.>

Alemi, 66, who opened the country’s first private psychiatric hospital, was abducted in the northern city of Mazar-i-Sharif, after his car was stopped as he was being driven home from work. He had received threatening calls and messages in the months before his abduction.
The kidnappers originally demanded a ransom of $800,000 (£600,000).
Abreen said: <They told us to sell our house and hospital and we bargained with them and pleaded that no one will buy property in this situation. They weren’t listening. We collected money from our friends and family and sold the cars and jewellery we had. We could only afford this much [$350,000]. Our father was old, plus he was suffering from diabetes, but those brutal people didn’t pay heed.>
Abreen said her father’s body showed clear signs of torture.
Alemi was a prominent figure in Mazar-i-Sharif, where he opened his hospital. He was believed to be the only Pashto-speaking psychiatrist in northern Afghanistan, and his patients had included Taliban fighters.
Dr Khan Murad Muradi, one of the doctors in Alemi’s hospital, said he was a <kind-hearted man>.
He said: <No one feels safe here in Mazar-i-Sharif.> >>
Read more here:

Al Jazeera
18 Nov 2021

<<Afghanistan ‘on the brink of catastrophe’: UN envoy
UN special representative to Afghanistan urges the international community to find ways to provide financial support to the Afghan people.

The UN envoy for Afghanistan says the country is <on the brink of a humanitarian catastrophe>, urging the international community to find ways to provide financial support to the Afghan people, who <feel abandoned>.
Deborah Lyons said an estimated 60 percent of Afghanistan’s 38 million people are facing crisis levels of hunger in a food emergency that will likely worsen over the winter.
“Now is not the time to turn away from the Afghan people,” Lyons said at a press conference on Wednesday at the UN.
<To abandon the Afghan people now would be a historic mistake – a mistake that has been made before with tragic consequences,> she had told the UN Security Council earlier in the day.

Humanitarian catastrophe ‘is preventable’

Lyons added that the humanitarian catastrophe <is preventable> as its main cause is financial sanctions on the Taliban, who took over the country in August, and she assured the international community the UN would make every effort to avoid the diversion of funds to the Taliban.
Sanctions <have paralysed the banking system, affecting every aspect of the economy>, according to the UN envoy. The country’s GDP is estimated to have contracted by 40 percent since the Taliban takeover. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) blocked the release of about $450m to Afghanistan more than a week after the West-backed government collapsed and the Taliban took over. The Afghan central bank’s $9bn in reserves, most of which are held in the US, were also frozen. Asked by Al Jazeera’s James Bays if releasing the frozen funds would alleviate the current humanitarian crisis, Lyons said: <We’re looking at the money that has already been committed by the donors for the humanitarian work and making sure we have mechanisms in place to have that flowing.>
<Unfreezing assets is something that is a decision by key countries.>
Lyons said a new mechanism to pay health workers’ salaries has been set up. The Taliban has struggled to pay workers in key sectors such as health and education.
The <paralysis of the banking sector will push more of the financial system into unaccountable and unregulated informal money exchanges,> the envoy said, which <can only help facilitate terrorism, trafficking and further drug smuggling> that will first affect Afghanistan and then <infect the region.>
Against that tenuous backdrop, Lyons warned that the Taliban has been unable to stem the expansion of ISIL (ISIS), which now seems to be present in nearly all provinces and is increasingly active. The UN estimates the number of attacks attributed to ISIL has increased significantly, from 60 last year to 334 this year.>>
Read more here:

Pehal news team
16 Nov 2021

<<‘If I can get a plane into the sky, I can do anything’: female Afghan pilot refuses to be grounded
Months after Mohadese Mirzaee became Afghanistan’s first female commercial airline pilot, the Taliban took Kabul. Now a refugee in Bulgaria, she is determined to fly again.

Sitting alone in her small flat in Bulgaria, Mohadese Mirzaee contemplates the future. Three months ago, she left behind her family, and her dream job, in Afghanistan. At 23, Mirzaee was the country’s first female commercial airline pilot.
<Today, I don’t know where to go, but I’m not giving up. I’ve started applying for pilot jobs anywhere because I know I need to get back to flying,> she says by phone from the capital, Sofia.
When news broke that the Taliban had seized Kabul, Mirzaee was already at the airport in her uniform, preparing for her evening flight to Istanbul. She had left home early that morning, waving goodbye to her mother and two sisters. The flight never took off. As thousands of Afghans stormed the city’s international airport, desperate to leave the country, Mirzaee was diverted to a flight to the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv – this time as a passenger.
<It was dark when we took off, that’s all I remember,> she says. <It was a rollercoaster of emotions because everything happened so quickly. I couldn’t believe Kabul had fallen. When I left my house in the morning and said goodbye to my family, I couldn’t have imagined that by evening time, I’d be permanently leaving home. I saw my country crumbling,> she recalls.
Just months earlier, Mirzaee had made headlines as one of the pilots of a Kam Air Boeing 737 – the country’s first flight with an all-female crew.

The Taliban want to silence women. If I give up on my passion, they have achieved their goal. <It was a huge accomplishment for Afghanistan and for the male-dominated aviation industry in general,> says Mirzaee. She believed then that change within the country’s conservative society was possible, and that she and the airline would be part of it.
But when the Taliban established an all-male government that saw hundreds of women removed from their jobs, Mirzaee says she was robbed of her hopes for the future.
<Afghan women have done amazingly over the past decades. We’ve used any opportunities given to us. We fought for our rights and scored big achievements. I was hopeful that a window had opened. I was approached by many young women who also dreamed of becoming a pilot,> Mirzaee says.
‘I’m hoping another airline will give me a chance to continue my career,’ says Mohadese Mirzaee. ‘I will fight for my passion.’ <With the Taliban takeover, it all disappeared. They are the same barbaric group they have been in the past and they want to silence women. If I give up on my passion, they have achieved their goal.> >>

The Guardian
14 Nov 2021
Emma Graham-Harrison and Zahra Nader

<<‘I loved my job in the police. Then the Taliban came for me’.
After a vicious beating, Fatima Ahmadi fled Afghanistan with her children for Pakistan. But her pleas for asylum in the west are met by silence.

Fatima Ahmadi only stopped screaming when the Taliban held a knife to her child’s throat, and told her: <Shut up, or we will kill your son.> They had burst into the policewoman’s Kabul home one late September morning, demanding she hand over her weapons. She told the Taliban she had no guns at home, but they said she was lying, ransacked the house, then began beating her, pulling out handfuls of hair, and when she would not stop shouting, they grabbed her nine-year-old son.
The knife was pressed so violently into his throat it left a red welt, visible in photographs seen by the Observer. Ahmadi’s back was covered with bruising from an assault so vicious that she lost control of her bodily functions. The men eventually left, but with an ominous warning. <We will come back.>
A divorced single mother of two young children, Ahmadi had no idea who gave the Taliban her address, or what they might do on a return visit, but she knew the family couldn’t risk waiting to find out. There have been several murders of female police officers since the hardline group took control of Afghanistan, including a vicious attack on one woman who was eight months pregnant.
So she packed her bags, went into hiding and days later managed to flee with her two boys to Pakistan. But their visa is only valid for 60 days and she is terrified about what will come next; Pakistani authorities are deporting Afghans without documents.

<When I arrived, I slept for three nights and days, because I hadn’t been sleeping for weeks, but now I am worried again. And Mirwais, my son who had the dagger put to his throat by the Taliban, he wakes up screaming in the night,> she told the Observer.
She has tried to apply for refugee status in Pakistan through the United Nations, but has had no response yet. Asylum applications to western countries that sponsored police training, and encouraged women to join the force, have met with silence, despite the documented evidence of threats to her and her children’s lives. <I don’t care about myself, I am already done. All I think about is a future for my children, somewhere peaceful where they can study,> she said. <I don’t want their lives to be like mine.>
With the frantic evacuations that followed the fall of Kabul long finished, the risks to Afghans who fear for their lives under the Taliban are fading from the headlines. But there are regular reports of reprisal killings, despite an official amnesty for anyone who worked in the security forces or for the last government. Thousands of people are still in hiding inside Afghanistan and thousands more like Ahmadi are clinging to precarious safety in neighbouring countries.
<There is a group of people we have heard less about in recent months, who have made it out of Afghanistan but not been able to reach anywhere that is safe for them and can be a new home,> said Heather Barr, associate director for women’s rights at Human Rights Watch.
They have no legal status as refugees in the countries to which they have temporarily escaped, and live in permanent fear of deportation back to Afghanistan. Both Iran and Pakistan, which have taken in millions of Afghans over decades of war in the country, have said they will not accept another wave of refugees.
<There are a lot of people out there who are in this kind of limbo like Fatima Ahmadi. They are really stuck and have claims to needing asylum in some of the countries that contributed troops to the Afghan mission, just as much as those who were evacuated, or those still trying to escape Afghanistan,> says Barr.

Ahmadi does not know why she was targeted on that afternoon in Kabul, but her life was a template for the opportunities the west claimed to offer Afghan women, and her courage and achievements represent everything Taliban authorities hate. She was forced to marry an abusive, drug-addicted husband when she was just 12, and he beat her so badly she has been left with a permanent limp and memory problems.
She was astonished and delighted when a decade ago, desperate for money and unable to work himself, he pushed her to join the police force. She loved her job and it eventually gave her the confidence and money to get a divorce.
<I had always admired the police cars, the guns, so I was very excited and grabbed the opportunity. It was my dream to work as a policewoman,> she said. <It changed my life.>
In 2020, confident that Afghanistan was changing, she went public with accusations of sexual harassment inside the police and the interior ministry. One of the men she says targeted her was a deputy minister.>>
Read more here:

The Observer
12 Sept 2021
Emma Graham-Harrison in Kandahar

<<Afghanistan’s shrinking horizons: ‘Women feel everything is finished’.
The Taliban claim to have changed, but the crackdown has begun for women across the country.

In two months, Parwana estimates she has crossed the threshold of her home perhaps four times. She used to leave early in the morning, for work that supported her entire family, and then go on to an evening degree course. After the Taliban took over Kandahar, her manager told her not to come to work and her university hasn’t yet sorted out how to put on the gender-divided classes they demanded.
Many people have welcomed the calm that settled over the city after the war abruptly ended, but for Parwana, as a single young woman, streets patrolled by Taliban soldiers are filled with menace. <Now I’m scared to go out. I wasn’t before.>
<I thought I was somebody, I could do something for my family and help others. Now I can’t even support myself,> she said. <Women here feel like everything is finished for them.>
The Taliban leadership, eager for international recognition and funds, has for years been courting the world with promises that the group has fundamentally shifted its positions on women’s rights. When their fighters seized Kabul, spokesman Zabihullah Mujiahid pledged within days that women would have rights to education and work, within an Islamic framework the group has yet to define.

As the weeks have passed, with no further clarification, the evidence from the ground in Afghanistan suggests they envisage a form of gender apartheid. Women may be offered some rights, but will be expected to study and work in a sphere so totally detached from that of men running the country, the economy and all major sectors that their lives will still be severely curtailed.
Niamatullah Hassan, the new Taliban mayor of Kandahar, says he has two women back at work in his administration, out of a 1,200-strong municipal team. He will allow more women employees, once they can be isolated from men and the central government approves.
<I am willing to increase the number of women workers, we are planning to prepare a separate workplace for them, a safe environment for them,> he said.
Health and education workers are mostly still at their offices, though some in Kandahar have been ordered to wear burqas, but all other women have been ordered to stay home indefinitely for <security> reasons. The Observer has pressed senior officials around the country in interviews for a date when women will be allowed back to work nationwide. Most defer the question or offer a vague promise of <soon>. Afghan women are sceptical; in the 1990s the group used the same excuse to ban them from work for the five years they held power.
In education too, there are many promises from the leadership, but women’s experience is of restrictions. Although some private universities have opened, with students strictly segregated by gender, a shortage of female teachers, or female students, will close off many subjects to women.>>
Read more here:

Al Jazeera
11 Nov 2021

<<Iran deporting thousands of Afghan refugees.
The IOM estimates over one million Afghans have been sent back this year, despite dire conditions awaiting them.

Iran is sending tens of thousands of Afghan refugees back over the border, aid agencies and witnesses say, amid allegations of mistreatment by Iranian authorities. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) found that just over one million Afghans have been sent back this year, including more than 28,000 Afghans in the last week of October, despite the dire conditions awaiting them.
<The majority were deported, returning to Afghanistan often broke and broken, in need of health support, food and rest,> IOM director general Antonio Vitorino said in a statement on Thursday.
Millions of Afghans crossed into their western neighbour seeking to escape violence and a shattered economy after the Taliban takeover of Kabul in mid-August compounded the crisis, disrupting international aid flows just as severe drought left more than half the population facing acute food shortages. The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) estimates as many as 4,000-5,000 Afghans have been crossing into Iran daily since the Taliban seized power, with hundreds of thousands more expected to arrive in the coming winter.
Last month, the UN declared that Afghanistan was on the brink of one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, with more than half of the country facing acute food shortages.

IOM said Iran has returned 1,031,757 Afghans to their home country so far this year. The UN migration agency counted at least 3,200 unaccompanied children among them. Returning Afghans who spoke to the AFP news agency reported being held in crowded, filthy detention camps where some were beaten before being transported to the border crossing.
<They did not see us as humans,> said 19-year-old Abdul Samad, who was working in construction in Iran before he was deported.
Abdul Samad said he was beaten by Iranian authorities in a migrant detention camp because he had no money to pay for his deportation.
<They tied our hands and blindfolded our eyes with pieces of cloth, and insulted us,> he said.
Buses arrive at Islam Qala, on the Afghan side of the main border crossing with Iran, every afternoon. AFP interviewed some 20 returning Afghans, all of whom had tales of mistreatment.
The UN refugee agency UNHCR has appealed to all nations to stop the forced returns of Afghans given the <highly volatile situation> and has been continuing to <advocate with the government of Iran>.
Iran maintains it welcomes Afghan refugees, provides the necessary assistance, and has sent aid shipments to its neighbour in recent weeks.
Tehran’s ambassador to the United Nations, Majid Takht Ravanchi, was quoted by Iranian media in late October as saying <we are hosting our Afghan brothers almost without receiving any new resources from the international community>.
<In addition to food, shelter, medicine and education, we now provide COVID-19 vaccines to refugees while we are under severe and illegal US sanctions,> he said.

Iran’s Interior Minister Ahmad Vahidi last month called on Afghans not to come to the country because <our capacities are limited>, according to the state-run Tehran Times.>>
Read more here:

<Eliminating women means eliminating human beings!> One slogan of Afghanistans Resistence Women's Slogans.

Al Jazeera
9 Nov 2021

<<In Pictures
Taliban rule sparks hopes of peace in rural Afghanistan

Away from the cities, many believe Taliban’s rule could bring a stop to fighting and hope for an end to corruption.

In the villages that once bore the brunt of Afghanistan’s front-line fighting, the Taliban victory has broken a cycle of air attacks, gun battles and funerals. The group’s takeover of Kabul and the sudden collapse in August of the United States-backed government shocked the world and upended the freedoms of Afghans, which were particularly enjoyed by the urban middle class.
But away from main cities, where little of the international aid worth billions of dollars ever reached, many believe the Taliban’s rule could bring a stop to the fighting and the hope for an end to corruption.
<I would give everything for the Taliban,> said 72-year-old Maky as she prepared cotton fibre in her hardened hands with a group of other women in Dashtan, a remote farming settlement in northern Balkh province.
<Now there is no sound of shooting. The war is over and we are happy with the Taliban.>
A US-led invasion removed the Taliban in 2001, which led to 20 years of military occupation by NATO forces.
A democratic government was restored, women were once again allowed to work and study, and a vocal civil society was rebuilt.

But corruption and vote-rigging allegations plagued government institutions, justice was slow and ineffective, and foreign troops were tainted by accusations of colluding with warlords, abusing Afghans and disrespecting local customs.
Thousands of civilians were killed or injured each year in attacks by the Taliban and air raids by US-led forces, with progress largely limited to cities as the worst of the war raged in rural areas. Mohammad Nasir earns 200-300 afghanis ($2-3) a day at a cotton field on the outskirts of the historic town of Balkh, yards from the ninth-century Noh Gonbad Mosque, believed to be Afghanistan’s earliest Islamic building.
He weighs the white crop from a scale hanging on a tree, before stuffing it into huge orange bags, ready for collection. Nasir said he did not support either side in the conflict that raged through most of his life.
<I was against both of them because I wanted peace,> said the 24-year-old from nearby Zawlakai village. <I didn’t want to fight.>

At another plantation nearby, 26-year-old Farima is among dozens of women and children harvesting cotton in the sunshine, wrapped up warmly against the wind.
During the war, she avoided leaving her home, afraid of being injured.

With the cotton-picking season ending, she is now working on the land each day with her daughters Asma, 10, and Husna, 9, and son Barktula, aged just three. For her, life since the Taliban takeover remains unstable and exhausting. While the end of the conflict is a relief, hardship and insecurity endure.
<What change has come? We are still hungry and there are no jobs,> she says.

The pickers in the fields in Dawlatabad district are paid about 10 afghanis (11 cents of a US dollar) per kilogram, each making 200 to 300 afghanis.
A looming economic disaster means the Taliban’s window for holding on to loyalty may be short.
Essentials such as cooking oil, rice and tomato paste now cost a lot more after the national currency, the afghani, depreciated and the country’s reserves were frozen abroad.
Afghanistan is now home to one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, with more than half of Afghans expected to suffer <acute food insecurity> this winter, as a severe drought devastates the country.>>
Read more here:

Al Jazeera
8 Nov 2021
By Ali M Latifi and Mohsin Khan Mohmand

<<The World Health Organization and the United Nations children’s agency have launched a four-day effort to vaccinate millions of children in Afghanistan against polio, the first campaign in three years. The programme, announced by the Ministry of Public Health and backed by the Taliban, aims to address the 3.3 million children who have gone unvaccinated since 2018, the last time health workers were able to access limited areas of the country.
Increased fighting between the forces of the former Western-backed government and the Taliban made inoculation increasingly difficult over the last three years. Afghanistan remains one of only two countries where the disease is still endemic. The other is Pakistan.
With the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate controlling nearly all of the country, including the capital, Kabul, there are renewed hopes that the nation’s children can receive shots without fear for the safety of their families, health workers and volunteers involved in the campaigns.
Farida, a vaccinator in the city of Kabul, said she has been waiting for the last three years to properly begin her work. The 26-year-old spent Monday going from house to house in the city vaccinating children.
She said their original plan was for teams to fan out across the capital reaching as many families as possible. Initially, their goal was for each team to visit at least 100 houses each day, but she said overcrowding in Afghanistan’s urban centres meant that some of the teams have already had to double their daily goal.
She said most families have shown little hesitation so far, but that some families remain hesitant.
<Some families just lack the education. Others, though, believe a lot of the misinformation they hear from other people,> she told Al Jazeera.

<I’ve had some families say that the vaccine will somehow make their children rowdy or misbehave, but I keep telling them, ‘How a child acts is up to how they are raised, not medicine’.>
Having spent the last three years working on polio awareness and small vaccination efforts, Farida says 90 percent of Afghan households are aware of the disease and its dangers, which she says is a big help to the ministry’s efforts.
Farida said it is important that awareness campaigns continue across the country, so they can educate people who may believe conspiracy theories and false statements.
Involvement of women
The involvement of Farida and other young women in the inoculation campaign is also an important step at a time when the Taliban has come under fire for its unclear policies towards women returning to the workforce in Afghanistan.
Last week, Human Rights Watch released a report saying female aid workers had been banned from working in 31 of the nation’s 34 provinces.
Heather Barr, Associate Director of HRW’s Women’s Rights Division, says the inclusion of female vaccinators is a positive step, but that the Taliban must do all it can to ensure their safety, especially outside Kabul.
<It is imperative that female vaccinators can have a written statement from the Taliban to make sure that they won’t face any possible harassment when they’re out on the field,> Barr told Al Jazeera. Barr says so far, the ability of female aid workers to go about their work was based on a verbal agreement from the Taliban leadership, but having a paper document would do more to protect them.

Shortly after taking power in August, the Taliban had called on female government workers to stay at home until it could assure that its forces would not discriminate against or harass them. Female health workers were quickly exempted from that order.

The latest round of inoculation efforts is a joint effort between the World Health Organization and UNICEF that has been backed by the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate. In the past, such efforts were hindered by the 20-year war between the Western-supported Islamic Republic and the Taliban, which was the largest armed opposition group in the country.
In recent years, some residents in the districts of Nangarhar province were able to convince the Taliban to allow local groups to vaccinate children, but those efforts were limited in scope and required local elders to win the support of regional Taliban forces, which were often suspicious about the intention of such campaigns. Now that the Taliban has taken over the country, its leadership has shown greater willingness for such efforts to resume.
In a statement released to the media, UNICEF’s Representative in Afghanistan, Hervé Ludovic De Lys said: <To eliminate polio completely, every child in every household across Afghanistan must be vaccinated, and with our partners, this is what we are setting out to do.> >>
Read more here:

The Guardian
5 Nov 2021
Zahra Nader and Amie Ferris-Rotman

<<Women’s rights activist shot dead in northern Afghanistan.
Frozan Safi, 29, is believed to be the first women’s rights defender to be killed since Taliban return to power.

A 29-year-old activist and economics lecturer, Frozan Safi, has been shot and killed in northern Afghanistan, in what appears to be the first known death of a women’s rights defender since the Taliban swept to power almost three months ago.
Frozan Safi’s body was identified in a morgue in the city of Mazar-i-Sharif after she went missing on 20 October. <We recognised her by her clothes. Bullets had destroyed her face,> said Safi’s sister, Rita, who is a doctor.
<There were bullet wounds all over, too many to count, on her head, heart, chest, kidneys and legs.> Her engagement ring and her bag had both been taken, Rita added.
On Thursday, Taliban security forces brought the bodies of two unidentified women who had been shot dead to the Balkh provincial hospital, said Meraj Faroqi, a doctor there. They had been found alongside the bodies of two men in a house in Mazar-i-Sharif, said Zabihullah Noorani, the Taliban’s director for information and cultural affairs in Balkh province, who suggested that they could have been victims of a <personal feud>. Police were investigating the case, he said.
The deaths underscore the pervasive sense of fear in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, where a spate of reprisal killings of people linked to the previous government has fostered an atmosphere of impunity and confusion.

Since mid-August, women have held regular, nationwide protests against the Taliban, demanding that their rights be restored and protected. Barely a day passes in Afghanistan without women’s rights further shrinking. Girls are de facto banned from secondary school, the new government is all-male and women have been barred from most sports and work.
On Thursday Human Rights Watch said Taliban rules were prohibiting most women from operating as aid workers in the country, hastening a looming humanitarian disaster. Activists say they are being hunted down by the Taliban, who have perfected ways to infiltrate and intimidate women’s groups.
Towards the end of last month, Frozan received a call from an anonymous number, telling her to gather proof of her work as a rights defender and leave for a safe house. This made sense to her: Frozan believed her request for asylum in Germany was under way. She stuffed some documents, including her university diploma, into a bag, threw a black and white scarf over her head and left home, said Rita.

She was wary of pointing her finger at the Taliban. <We just don’t know who killed her,> Rita said. The sisters’ father, Abdul Rahman Safi, 66, said Frozan’s body had been found in a pit not far from the city, and was registered by hospital workers as unknown.
Zahra, another protest organiser who spoke to the Guardian using only one name out of security concerns, said she had been with Frozan at the most recent protest in Mazar-i-Sharif against Taliban rule.
<My WhatsApp has been hacked. I wouldn’t dare go on social media now,> Zahra said.>>
The Guardian published the article in partnership with Rukhshana Media.
Read more here:

The Guardian
4 Nov 2021
Rights and freedom is supported by
Humanity United

Zahra Nader and Amie Ferris-Rotman

<<They stayed to fight the Taliban. Now the protesters are being hunted down.
Women’s rights activists fear for their lives as Afghanistan’s new rulers infiltrate, detain, beat and torture groups of protesters.

A month ago, Reshmin was busy organising protests against Taliban rule in online groups of hundreds of fellow women’s rights activists. Now the 26- year-old economics graduate must operate clandestinely, dressing in disguise and only demonstrating with a select few.
<If things continue like this, there will be no future for women in Afghanistan. It’s better if the future never arrives,> says Reshmin, who spoke to the Guardian using only her first name, which means <silk> in Farsi, out of security concerns. <Each time we go out, we say farewell because we might not make it back alive.>
Since the Taliban’s lightning takeover of the country in August, Reshmin and her younger sister have attended a flurry of protests in Kabul, part of
nationwide demonstrations where Afghan women have hoisted signs demanding the right to education and work, and chanted slogans such as
<Freedom!> and <Eliminating women means eliminating human beings!> They belong to a cohort of Afghan women’s rights defenders who chose not to flee this summer but stayed to tackle the Taliban’s clampdown on their freedoms. Buoyed up by the past 20 years of international support and encouragement, they have staged pockets of protest across Afghanistan, from quiet parks to urban thoroughfares. The Taliban have responded with violence, beating women with electric batons and detaining and torturing the reporters who covered the protests.

<The next generation will be brainwashed by the Taliban’s ideology, then it will spread like the Covid-19 virus. The world needs to pay attention for its own sake,> Reshmin says. But international pressure to hold the Taliban accountable over the rights of women and girls is being ignored. A slew of foreign delegations, aid agencies and donors, including from the UK, have consisted of all-male teams and only <legitimises the Taliban’s patriarchal view of the world>,
Heather Barr, of Human Rights Watch, warned this week.
Now, two months into Taliban rule, the activists say they are being hunted down. In recent weeks the Taliban have accelerated their crackdown on
women’s groups by infiltrating and intimidating them. Activists described how on several occasions members of the Taliban appeared at a private address that was only discussed on closed chat groups on social media. Ahead of a recent protest in Kabul, Taliban police called a group of women on their phones just before they set out to put up posters, Reshmin says. <The only tool they know is to silence people through creating fear,> says Mina, a university professor and activist, who asked that a pseudonym be used for fear of retribution from the Taliban.
Zahra, another organiser in Kabul, describes methods ranging from having women pose as journalists to obtain personal information from protesters to spreading rumours among activists that their number had been shared with members of the Taliban.
<The Taliban know if they lash us on the street they’ll look bad and get criticised,> says Zahra, <but it’s easy to try to dismantle women’s groups
Zahra, who obtained her master’s degree in urban design last year, was supervising the building of a women-only outdoor market when the Taliban swept to power. The European-funded project has been abandoned and she now pours all her energy into activism.
Last month the Taliban banned all demonstrations that do not have official approval, adding the requirement that slogans at the protests also be
approved by the group first. Mina says this is a tactic designed to expose them. <They are trying to identify some of the active members of the women’s movement. This is how they force them to submit,> she says.
Reshmin, who was protesting on Kabul’s streets last week, says she will not ask the Taliban for permission because <that would mean we have
accepted their regime>.

Since the Taliban captured Kabul just over two months ago, there has been a cascade of miserable news for Afghan women and barely a day passes without their rights shrinking further as they are dismissed from jobs in state media, banned from most other work and secondary school, barred from sport and blocked from a now-obsolete system designed to protect women from violence.
<We believed that Afghan women would not go back in time. We believed that our war against the Taliban would be won,> says Roya Dadras,
spokeswoman of the now-defunct women’s affairs ministry, which the Taliban took over as the headquarters of its draconian morality police. She
spoke to the Guardian from Australia, where she sought refuge in early October after spending a month in hiding in Kabul.
Compounding this is the country’s dire economic situation: the notoriously bitter Afghan winter is approaching, and with the foreign aid that powered the economy still largely suspended, 95% of Afghans are not getting enough to eat, the UN has warned.
The number of female activists on the streets is decreasing, and the strain of trying to put on a brave face amid their troubles is taking a toll on their health. Taliban members badly beat Reshmin’s sister at a protest, leaving her right hand unusable for a month, and her skin now suffers from painful flare-ups.>>
Read more here:

3 Nov 2021
Note from Gino d'Artali: untill approx. the end of Oct 2021 I frequently visited the underground Afghanistan website
which gave us very valuable but also info about things one needs to know about the situation of women under the oppression of the taliban.
Unfortunatly the taliban hacked the website which made it un-accesable since.

Charli Carpenter
29 Sep 2021

<<Women and teachers demonstrate inside a private school to demand equal education for women and girls

The Taliban’s Gender Apartheid Is a Case for the International Criminal Court
Last week, a group of Afghan women appealed to the United Nations, imploring it not to recognize the Taliban’s proposed ambassador to the global body as the representative of their country. <The UN needs to give that seat to somebody who respects the rights of everyone in Afghanistan,> Fawzia Koofi, a former Afghan politician and peace negotiator, told reporters.
The group’s call was echoed by Ghulam Isaczai, the embattled ambassador appointed by the government the Taliban ousted, in remarks he made to the U.N. Security Council. <Women and girls in Afghanistan are pinning their hopes and dreams on this very council and world body to help them recover their rights to work, travel and go to school,> he said. <It would be morally reprehensible if we do nothing and let them down.>
Isaczai is right about women’s rights and the symbolism of international organizations’ responses to human rights violations in Afghanistan. But the Security Council is not the only international organization capable of playing that role, nor is recognition of the Taliban government and its
representatives the only tool in the international community’s arsenal. To be sure, international recognition of the Taliban, if it comes at all, should come with conditions that include the protection of women and girls. But the Security Council is not the only international body that can be prevailed upon to take a stronger stand against the situation in Afghanistan—or even necessarily the best one.

One international body to watch and for and for human rights groups to target with advocacy efforts, is the International Criminal Court, or ICC. The court’s incoming prosecutor, Karim Khan, has already indicated that he is seized of the situation in Afghanistan as pertains to the human rights of women. In a speech at the Global Security Forum in Doha earlier this month, for example, Khan urged the Taliban to reconsider their harsh edicts, citing hadiths—sayings of the Prophet Muhammad—that express respect for women as leaders and entrepreneurs.
This is notable in two respects. First, Khan is joining a variety of Muslim voices worldwide pushing back against the Taliban’s interpretation of Islam on doctrinal grounds. A delegation of diplomats from Muslim countries visited Afghanistan this month to make the similar case that Islamic doctrine in fact supports women’s education and economic empowerment.
Second, as the ICC’s incoming prosecutor, Khan is the arbiter of another body of law—international criminal law—and he takes over from his predecessor the court’s ongoing investigation into the situation in Afghanistan.
The ICC has been investigating crimes occurring in Afghanistan since May 2003, when Afghanistan ratified the Rome Statute, the treaty establishing the ICC’s jurisdiction over crimes committed by or in the territory of state parties. The major focus of the investigation had been the armed conflict between the U.S. and Afghan national government on one side, and the Taliban as an armed group on the other. But given the open-ended nature of the investigation, the court could also consider evidence of atrocities committed by the post-August 2021 Taliban, including gender apartheid.>>
Read more here in which article it specifically writes about women's right:

Al Jazeera
2 Nov 2021

The US did more to radicalise Afghanistan than Osama bin Laden
Today Afghanistan is number one on the Global Terrorism Index, and we helped them get there.
Amra Sabic-El-Rayess
Author, professor at Columbia University’s Teachers College

One recurring theme in the media coverage of the US pullout from Afghanistan is that after 20 years, trillions of dollars, and thousands of lives lost, we left the country in the same broken state it was before we arrived. <We accomplished nothing,> goes the pundit refrain. But that is wrong. We invaded Afghanistan <to prevent it from becoming a breeding ground for terrorists> – and we did not leave it as it was. We left it worse. Far worse.
As a survivor of genocide and an academic studying the ways that education can resuscitate broken countries and people, I have repeatedly seen how even the most tolerant Muslims can end up being radicalised under the right set of conditions.
I have studied radicalisation trends among my own people, Bosniaks, for years. Bosnian Muslims have long been considered the world’s most tolerant Muslim community. But today, a growing number of Bosniaks have adopted Salafism – a rigid ideological thread within Islam – and hold hardline beliefs that are in line with those of al-Qaeda, ISIL (ISIS) or Boko Haram. Why is this happening?
Radicalisation is the result of a desperate and misguided search for a pathway to empowerment by people starving for a sense of belonging,
recognition, and basic respect.
In 1991, Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, who has since been convicted of genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia, warned Bosniaks: <Do not think that you will not take Bosnia and Herzegovina to hell and the Muslim people maybe into extinction, because if there is a war, the Muslim people will not be able to defend themselves.>
And he was right. Bosniaks went to hell and back from 1992 through the end of 1995.
We had no weapons to defend ourselves as Serbian forces invaded and, assisted by local Serbs, swiftly occupied much of the country. The US and
Europe chose to watch silently as genocide, war crimes and mass rapes against Bosniaks unfolded before their eyes. They sat idly by even as Serb
forces loaded Bosniaks in Srebrenica onto buses on a hot summer day in 1995 and took them to the sites of their executions. After thousands of
deaths, many more rapes and months of unbearable suffering, NATO finally moved to end the conflict. But then, it gave half of the country – including Srebrenica – to the Serbs, who had either committed genocide or silently watched it happen.

The genocide, as well as the decision to reward its perpetrators with territory, has had a radicalising effect on some Bosniaks. And my research
showed me that this trend continues to this day. If Bosnian Muslims, historically known for their tolerance and acceptance of other cultures and religions, can radicalise, anyone can. Exposure to violence is a critical risk factor for radicalisation. Trauma triggers an internal transformation in a person who is desperately looking to make sense of their pain, loss, exclusion, and shock.
I have felt this myself. After I survived a Serb artillery attack on the Blue Bridge in my hometown of Bihac, I saw a UN car approach. I was just 17
years old. I believed they were coming to help. But instead of stopping to help me and others on the bridge, they sped away. At that moment I
realised that the world does not really care about <dead Bosniaks sprawled on the streets>. As I tried to help a girl whose face had been blown apart by the blast, I experienced an immediate, uncontrollable surge of anger. In the midst of that terror and trauma, I felt an overpowering urge to do something – anything – to make sure this would never happen again to me or the people I loved. Horrific thoughts previously completely unknown to me flooded into my head, unbidden, summoned by the violence I had just seen. What if we responded to our killers by slaughtering their innocent children? Would that be justified? Would that stop them from committing genocide against us?

I could have hated every Serb, every Christian, every American, because they contributed to my trauma. But I did not end up taking a violent path.
Neither did the overwhelming number of Bosniaks who suffered the trauma of genocide, though a few did. I was able to choose a different path out of trauma not because of something intrinsic within myself, but because I was lucky enough to have educational opportunities and strong family ties. In 1996, after surviving ethnic cleansing and more than 1,000 days under Serb siege, I emigrated to the US and had the opportunity to continue my studies freely. My parents, teachers and mentors instilled moral resilience in me and provided me with opportunities for engagement – all protective factors against radicalisation. That safety net caught me and put me on a nonviolent path. But what if I was a teen with no choice, no support, no viable path out of trauma? I could have been radicalised too.

Afghans – or anyone for that matter – are no different to Bosniaks. Every human who has been exposed to violence faces the risk of radicalisation
under certain conditions.
Today, the conditions in Afghanistan check every box on the radicalisation checklist: Afghans have suffered trauma and violence. They feel betrayed by an external force that allegedly came to <help> them, but ended up leaving them worse off. They live in economic deprivation with one million children at risk of starvation. They also have very limited educational opportunities – millions of Afghan children are unable to go to school and have little hope for the future.
Since 2001, tens of thousands of Afghan civilians perished as a result of US drone strikes. According to the international NGO Save the Children,
almost 33,000 children have been killed and maimed in Afghanistan during the past 20 years, an average of one child every five hours. As recently as August this year, a US air attack – launched in response to the bombing of the Islamic State Khorasan Province, ISKP (ISIS-K) at the Kabul airport that killed 182 people – killed 10 members of a family, seven of them children. Later, it was revealed that the family that was attacked had no ties to the <terror> group.

In the eyes of Afghans, these victims are not just statistics, and cannot be written off as “collateral damage”. They are fathers, mothers, sons and
daughters murdered by American bombs, or because of the American presence. Each of those killings is a scar on an Afghan heart, and in part explains why it was not difficult for the Taliban to take control of the country.
Afghans never wanted us there in the first place. For them, the US has always been just another empire in the long line of many who brought violence and imposed corrupt leaders on them.
In my research, I have seen over and over again how when feeling threatened by an external force, both individuals and nations turn inward to protect themselves and demonise the outward <other.> In that process, they often radicalise. America has been that outward <other> for Afghans for decades.>>
Read more here:



copyright Womens Liberation Front 2019/ 2021